Problems of World History <p><strong>Problems of World History: </strong><strong>Scientific Journal</strong></p> <p><strong>ISSN <span style="color: #000000; font-family: Arial; font-size: 13.3333px; font-style: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: left; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: #ffffff; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-color: initial; display: inline !important; float: none;">2707-6776</span><br></strong></p> <p>The scientific journal "Problems of World History" is included in the list of professional editions of Ukraine in which the results of the dissertation works for obtaining the scientific degrees of doctor and candidate of sciences in the specialty "historical sciences" can be published.</p> <p><strong>Type:</strong> print edition</p> <p>The publication publishes articles, reviews of scientific works, chronicles of scientific life.</p> <p><strong>Issues: </strong>coverage of fundamental and applied scientific researches of problems of world-historical process and cultural-civilizational development.</p> <p><strong>Founder </strong><strong>and publisher</strong><strong>:</strong> State Institution "Institute of World History of the NAS of Ukraine"</p> <p><strong>Founded in 2015</strong></p> <p><strong>Branch of science:</strong> historical sciences</p> <p><strong>Frequency:</strong> 4 times a year</p> <p><strong>Registered:</strong> <em>State registration certificate </em>КВ 21441-11241Р<em> issued by the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine </em>04.08.2015<em>.</em></p> en-US (Dmitriy Lakishik) (Ołena Romanenko, Vladyslav Tymoshenko) Sun, 17 Jan 2021 00:00:00 +0200 OJS 60 Wars of Historical Memory: Social Objectives <p><span class="fontstyle0">The article is a study of the wars of historical memory. The process of increasing use of the historical past in the public life of the present is considered. History has become a political tool through which one or another socio-political system is legitimized or delegitimized. In a number of countries, laws have been passed to punish those who write “wrong”. Real “wars of historical memory” have broken out in international relations. The ethnicization of history and the establishment of narratives about one’s own nation as exclusively a “victim of history” are gaining momentum, which requires special treatment and appropriate compensation. In particular, the initiators of the proclamation of “wars of historical memory” in different countries are not the same. Remembrance wars are often declared at the highest level, involving officials, including heads of state, who “rebuff” and “put in place the wrongdoers”, reminding the nation of the nation’s incurable wounds and the terrible crimes of its neighbors. </span></p> <p><span class="fontstyle0">Objectively, the question of the social motives of the “wars of historical memory” is brewing. The authors share the view that the main reason is the escalation of the confrontation between Russia and the collective West. Historical politics, which has taken the form of “wars of historical memory”, is a symptom rather than a cause of this confrontation. It has been analyzed that the politicization of</span> <span class="fontstyle0">historical memory often leads to negative consequences, and there is no easy way out of this situation. And it is difficult to find that decisive link, undertaking which it would be possible to pull out the whole chain of pressing problems. At the same time, it must be acknowledged that the controversy over the role of the Soviet Union in World War II has not been annihilated, but has intensified amid escalating tensions between East and West. Summarizing the evolution of “wars of historical memory” to a sharp aggravation, Marlene Laruel noted: “I interpret the wars for historical memory between Poland, the Baltic states and Ukraine, on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, as narrative «related to the exclusion of Russia from Europe or inclusion in it”.</span> </p> V. Tkachenko, V. Yakuba Copyright (c) 2020 Tue, 29 Sep 2020 00:00:00 +0300 Memory studies: from memory to oblivion <p>The article examines the concept of memory studies, which is a separate discipline that studies and analyzes memory issues. The phenomenon of memory is an important part of life, although not presented as a necessary condition of mental activity. Memory, the author notes, is a way for people to construct their past through books, movies, documents, ceremonies, and so on. In memory studies, memory arises in various aspects – collective, social, cultural, genetic, and historical. The reason for claiming a worldwide "memory age" is criticism of official versions of history, the return of memory to communities and peoples whose history has been ignored, the activation of various memorial events, and more. It is shown that a social and cultural construct collective memory retains the authentic past as its version and serves as a means to achieve certain goals. Collective memory is in constant change, which is nonlinear, irrational, and not always subject to logical analysis. New events and ideas affect the perception of the past, and patterns of interpretation of the past determine the understanding of the present. The relation between collective and individual memory appears as the relation between memory and history. The primary function of historical memory is to form an identity. The development of memory studies distinguishes the political, functional, cumulative memory that use the past to shape national identity. The context of historical memory includes the concepts of "oblivion", "custom" and "tradition" that help to identify the turning points of history as they are indicators of the emergence of a new society. Historical memory is a tool for using the past to achieve goals dictated by the current situation. Mobilizing memory and collective perceptions of the past has been an integral part of the political process in recent centuries.</p> V. Ilin Copyright (c) 2020 Tue, 29 Sep 2020 00:00:00 +0300 Geopolitical Status of Ukraine: Historiography and Methodological Discourse <p>The issue of Ukraine’s geopolitical status through the prism of historiography and methodological discourse of domestic and foreign scholars is revealed. It is established that in the vast majority of scientific works the geopolitical status of Ukraine is defined as extremely low with a further tendency to deteriorate. It is found out that the decline of Ukraine’s geopolitical status in the international arena began immediately after it acquired non-nuclear status under pressure from Russia and the United States. In the end, the “cassette” and “Kolchuga” scandals caused only a deterioration of both the international image and the geopolitical status of Ukraine. According to the works of leading Ukrainian scholars, the crisis of foreign policy and the decline of geopolitical status of the state were also caused by internal factors. These included the demographic crisis, large-scale corruption and falling GDP, which in turn led to an increase in Ukraine’s negative trade balance.</p> <p>A significant number of scholars link the weakness of Ukraine’s geopolitical status with its complicated geographical location. Thus, we can agree with the most authors that Ukraine is geographically located between the West and the East, as well as at the intersection of strategic interests of three civilizations: Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Islamic. It is this factor, along with Ukraine’s internal problems, that determines the peripherality of Ukraine’s geopolitical position as that of a buffer state. In order to finally transform Ukraine into a “gray” security zone and prevent its rapprochement with the EU and NATO, Russia launched a hybrid war in 2014, as a result of which it annexed Crimea and caused an armed conflict in Donbas. Such actions of Russia led to further weakening of the geopolitical status of Ukraine and its final transformation into an object of policy of powerful international players. In the current circumstances and forecasts, we increasingly share the idea of intensifying the Euro-Atlantic vector of Ukraine’s foreign policy and establishing a strategic security dialogue to strengthen relations with Eastern European neighbors in the framework of the possible implementation of the Baltic-Black Sea project.</p> O. Kondratenko Copyright (c) 2020 Tue, 29 Sep 2020 00:00:00 +0300 Historical, Socio-cultural and International Political Preconditions for the Emergence and Formation of the Australian Union <p>The article examines the prerequisites for the creation and early stages of development of the Commonwealth of Australia from the founding of the first European colonies prior to the legal formalization of the federation. Also mentioned are the variability of approaches to the development of Australia’s historiography, in particular from the positions of classical English and modern Australian views. Also, the early stages of the development of the continent that preceded the discovery of Australia by Europeans are considered. It analyzes the wide context of geopolitical processes in Europe in the era of imperialism (XVI-XIX centuries), as well as the circumstances of the formation of large colonial empires. In particular, features of the status, place and role of England in the international political processes of the XVIІ and XVIII centuries are shown, and the stages of the formation of the British colonial empire are also considered. The complex of internal socio-economic as well as foreign policy prerequisites for the beginning of the colonization of Australia by Great Britain is analyzed, in particular the attention paid to the consequences of the British Industrial Revolution XVIII. The stages of formation of the British colonies in Australia, as well as the development of the mainland from the establishment of the first settlement - New South Wales until full control of the continent are investigated. The characteristics of the economic, social, political, demographic and other aspects of the development of Australian colonies are analyzed. The article discusses the evolution of trade and administrative relations between individual colonies, as well as the stages of preparation for the creation of a federation, which was called the Commonwealth of Australia and changed the country's colonial position to the dominion status in the British Empire. Particular attention is paid to the international political processes that accompanied the development of the Australian continent, as well as the role of colonial administrations in regional geopolitical processes, in particular the colonization of New Guinea.</p> I. Vietrynskyi Copyright (c) 2020 Tue, 29 Sep 2020 00:00:00 +0300 An Australia`s Quest For Own Political Diversity: An Inside View (late the XIX-th – early the XX-th Centuries) <p>The publication consists of the two parts. The first one has the characteristic features of the premier Constitution of Australia, which at that historical period, had to be considered as an intervening stage to obtain targeting independence and sovereignty so urgently strived for by that country. The key purpose for the country forming matter of the foregoing basic statute book was to ensure a juridical versatility of the machinery of the new state. The main plot of this principal legal document seemed to point out the presence of a certain dilemma along with its subjectly indexed initially forming constituents.</p> <p>Their first part was of an juridical content. The Constitution of Switzerland was chosen as an optional example and exposed it in the form of a full-scaled replica for the basic principal law of the above-mentioned country. The second part of it was lavishly marked with its clear-cut specific and historical character and called upon to faithfully reproduce a certain «safety cushion» to ensure successfully achieved harmony in operating the whole mechanism of the State government.</p> <p>The second part of the publication is dedicated to the historical activity of forming and developing of a certain rationally consistent formal and informal institutions as well as their impact on specific and historical determining elements to construct a new country in the Southern continent.</p> <p>So, as it is known, politics as a fundamental stuff of art gatherings inside all possible potentials define primarily means and resources of an entire compromise. And due to that its basic political model preferred by authoritative commanding establishment appeared to be as a perfect tool for veritable consensus. So, the mentioned pattern had been originated and settled with “a political treasure house” as well as being received by the Australian liberals as an inheritage from their British counterparts. And starting from that historical period and onwards among other rhetorical earnings of the local authoritative officers there had been occurring a firm political credo: “We’re always ready to make a compromise!”.</p> <p>And therefore the whole number of parties as well as the entire Australian political milieu, over the first decade of the XX-th century, inspite of all rather sharp confrontations among liberals, laborites, conservatives, social reformers, socialists and others, had also been keeping on to follow almost half of a century long historically lasted tour. And all that was performed to the key official political course responsive to the State’s national interests.</p> I. Khyzhnyak Copyright (c) 2020 Tue, 29 Sep 2020 00:00:00 +0300 Coming Back to the Problem of the Causes of the Great War of the ХХ-th Century <p>At the beginning of the twentieth century, among the European ruling elites, military circles and imperial non-governmental organizations, the force-based approach to the resolution of international conflicts dominated. The emphasis was on the irreconcilable struggle for the so-called “national interests”, the need to change the world for the better, the undoubted advantage of interstate competition over cooperation and the use of force, primarily military. The unconditional priority of the state was the ability to mobilize national resources to protect its “interests”.</p> <p>The Great War to realize geopolitical dreams was a waste of available resources. Its initiators, primarily Germany, were guided by ideological rather than pragmatic considerations, and obtained results that directly contradicted the calculations of their grand strategies. Among the reasons for the war there were no rational ones that solved basic economic, security, social or any other problems. But there were those, who made money in preparation for the war.</p> <p>The decisive factor that triggered the war was the adherence to myths: about exaggerated or fictitious “national grievances”; “the discrepancy between the obtained share of colonial seizures and the weight in the world economy and politics”; “insignificant nations, incapable of contributing to civilizational progress, their destructive nationalism”; “cultural superiority, which, if necessary, must be extended by force”; “windows of vulnerability that should be closed immediately”; “the call of blood, will and fate”, etc.</p> <p>The origins of war are to be found in the views of the rulers, representatives or servants of the old regimes of the dynastic aristocracy. The ruling imperial class was in crisis, it was threatened by social and national upheavals, which is why it was inclined to seek salvation in a victorious war at a “low cost”. But how did the parties to the conflict hope for a quick victory? Indeed, regardless of the type of regime – an absolute or constitutional monarchy, a democratic or an authoritarian state – too often their top leadership was deeply mistaken, in particular in such matters as entering the war, choosing allies and forms, methods and degree of interaction with them.</p> <p>Note that the war in Europe could have happened earlier, because the states constantly threatened each other, and repeated attempts to eliminate the threat of aggression blew up international stability. The efforts of European leaders were not aimed at creating sustainable military capabilities of the allies united by a common strategy to achieve agreed goals. But diplomatic games prevailed: the sides bluffed, tried to play trump cards, which they actually did not have. As a result of the Great War, four empires collapsed: the Austro-Hungarian, Russian, German and Ottoman and the explosion of two of the largest totalitarian revolutions in Europe in the XX-th century – Russian (Bolshevik) and German&nbsp;(Nazi).</p> Y. Klymenko, O. Potiekhin Copyright (c) 2020 Tue, 29 Sep 2020 00:00:00 +0300 The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 1) <p>The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. In the forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.</p> <p>It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.</p> <p>Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, played an active role. Hungary, Bulgaria.</p> <p>It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.</p> <p>It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25&nbsp;years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.</p> <p>It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.</p> <p>Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not only not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.</p> M. Derzhaliuk Copyright (c) 2020 Tue, 29 Sep 2020 00:00:00 +0300 Strategies of Australia’s Migration Policy: the Stages of Becoming, New Challenges and Responses to Today’s Threats <p>The article examines the Australia’s migration policy, the stages of its formation and development, the current situation. There are three stages of Australia’s post-World War II migration strategy: assimilation policy, integration policy, and a policy of cultural diversity and multiculturalism. This policy is regulated by the Australian Department of Immigration. Since its inception, the name of the Department has been changed more than ten times, reflecting the main directions of its activities and functions during these periods.</p> <p>Summing up the results of the article, it can be said that the first head of the Department of Immigration in 1945 had promoted mass British immigration, proclaiming the slogan “Populate or Perish”, however the policy on immigrants and the name of the Department changed over time. In March 1996, the name of the institution had changed to the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, whose slogan was “Enriching Australia through migration”. The main idea of immigration strategy was to create a multicultural country with strong potential due to its diversity. In 2007, the concept of multiculturalism was excluded from the name of the structure; more emphasis in the work of the Department was placed on the recognition of national identity, based on a number of core values, which still contribute to the development of a multicultural society. And in 2017 Department of Home Affairs was officially established, which today deals with all migration issues.</p> <p>The country has an Australian migration program at the beginning of the XXI century, which provides several main reasons why citizens of another country can enter the continent for long-term residence: student’s, qualified immigration (taking into account the professional experience, skills or qualifications required by Australian economy at the time), family reunification (family members living in Australia), special circumstances (return of Australian citizens who have previously left the country). There is also a humanitarian program for refugee’s migration and adaptation to Australian life.</p> O. Romanenko Copyright (c) 2020 Tue, 29 Sep 2020 00:00:00 +0300 Experience of Postsocialist Transformation in the Slovak Republic <p>In the article the experience of post-socialist transformation in the Slovak Republic after the Velvet Revolution and gaining of independence after the collapse of Czechoslovakia in 1993 was examined. The process of reforming of the society and state, the transition from the communist to the western model of economy, the role of public sector on the path to EU and NATO accession were investigated. It was defined that the reforming of authorities, society and the state, which had already begun in the common state of Czechs and Slovaks under the leadership of V. Havel in 1990-1992, had a great value for the formation of independent Slovakia, because, despite some differences, the European destination became a key point which determined the process of accelerated modernization and the transition from planned socialism to a free market relation. It was determined that the «peaceful divorce» with Czech Republic had become one of the most important steps on the way for successful European integration of Slovakia.</p> <p>The key role of civil society in the transforming of Slovak state and overcoming the negative consequences of the dominance of communist ideology on the path of European and Euro Atlantic integration was represented. The public sector has become a driving force that guided Slovak society towards accelerated modernization in 1998-2006. It was shown the process of struggle of the European choice supporters with pro-Russian policy of V. Meciar, whose period should be generally considered as a «Slovak kuchmism». The final victory of pro-European forces in the 1998 elections led to the acceleration of modernization processes in Slovakia, implementation of required changes in society and state managing necessary for EU and NATO accession.</p> I. Tkachenko Copyright (c) 2020 Tue, 29 Sep 2020 00:00:00 +0300 The Triumph of Left-wing Populism in Greece: Causes and Consequences <p>The article analyzes the reasons and consequences of the spread of the ideology of left populism in Greece. It has been established that the success of the SYRIZA Coalition of Left Radical Forces, which was in power in Greece during 2015-2019, was facilitated by a number of factors. The most important among them: the popularity of leftist ideas in the social and political space of Greece; the traditions of populism inherent in most of the country’s political forces; unbalanced fiscal policy, structural macroeconomic imbalances, low statistical reliability and significant government debt; the world economic crisis of 2008-2009; deterioration of social standards and demographic indicators, the spread of unemployment; negative impact of the migration crisis; the tough position of Greece’s creditors, on whom public opinion blamed the country’s socio-economic problems.</p> <p>It is noted that the phenomenon of left populism in Greece was the fact that immediately after the victory in the elections, SYRIZA, sandwiched between the demands of creditors and the real state of the economy, abandoned radical left populist ideas and was forced to pursue a neoliberal economic policy. Already in 2016, the country returned to slow economic growth, and in 2018 the financial assistance program was completed. However, due to the failure to fulfill its own campaign promises, SYRIZA lost power in the 2019 elections and took a centrist place in the Greek political system. A significant merit of the SYRIZA Coalition of Radical Left Forces was the successful resolution of an almost thirty-year dispute with North Macedonia over the name of the latter.</p> <p>The opinion is substantiated that for Ukraine the main conclusion from the analysis of the Greek events of the early XXIst century is the realization of the fact that the complex problems of a political and socio-economic nature that face our country do not have a simple and quick solution. To achieve success, Ukraine must consistently defend its own national interests, strengthen sovereignty and independence, and pursue a balanced budgetary and financial and economic policy.</p> O. Demenko Copyright (c) 2020 Tue, 29 Sep 2020 00:00:00 +0300 Historical Memory and Practices of Monumental Commemoration of World War I in Australia (Part 1) <p>The authors’ research attention is focused on the specifics of the Australian memorial practices dedicated to the World War I. The statement is substantiated that in the Australian context memorials and military monuments formed a special post-war and post-traumatic part of the visual memory of the first Australian global military conflict.</p> <p>The features of the Australian memorial concept are clarified, the social function of the monuments and their important role in the psychological overcoming of the trauma and bitter losses experienced are noted. The multifaceted aspects of visualization of the monumental memory of the World War I in Australia are analyzed. Monuments and memorials are an important part of Australia’s visual heritage.</p> <p>It is concluded that each Australian State has developed its own concept of memory, embodied in various types and nature of monuments. The main ones are analyzed in detail: Shrine of Remembrance in Melbourne (1928–1934); Australian War Memorial in Canberra (1941); Sydney Cenotaph (1927-1929) and Anzac Memorial in Sydney (1934); Desert Mounted Corps Memorial in Western Australia (1932); Victoria Memorials: Avenue of Honour and Victory Arch in Ballarat (1917-1919), Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial (2004), Great Ocean Road – the longest nationwide memorial (1919-1932); Hobart War Memorial in the Australian State of Tasmania (1925), as well as Villers-Bretonneux Australian National Memorial in France dedicated to French-Australian cooperation during the World War I (1938).</p> <p>The authors demonstrate an inseparable connection between the commemorative practices of Australia and the politics of national identity, explore the trends in the creation and development of memorial practices. It is noted that the overwhelming majority of memorial sites are based on the clearly expressed function of a place of memory, a place of mourning and commemoration. It was found that the representation of the memorial policy of the memory of Australia in the first post-war years was implemented at the beginning at the local level and was partially influenced by British memorial practices, transforming over time into a nationwide cultural resource.</p> O. Zernetska, O. Myronchuk Copyright (c) 2020 Tue, 29 Sep 2020 00:00:00 +0300